The human rights defender favors social organization and joint action to face the socio-economic hardships caused by the rupture of democratic institutions, aggravated during the pandemic.
The stagnation of the political conflict has a direct impact on the situation of human rights in Venezuela, as the institutional collapse and the absence of rule of law deepen the deprivation of the most vulnerable population.
This is expressed by Feliciano Reyna, activist and human rights defender, who affirms that these difficulties, of enormous social significance, have given rise to citizen organization and the creation of solidarity networks that seek to contribute to or help the neediest in the context of the complex humanitarian emergency.
Reyna is the founder of Acción Solidaria (Solidarity Action), Civilis, and the Coalition of Organizations for the Right to Health and Life (Codevida). His meticulous dedication to documenting the human rights situation in the country, and his ability to bring together a national human rights movement have made him one of the most powerful voices of Venezuelan civil society before international human rights organizations.
Through the work of organizations and individuals, civil society has assumed the role of weaving aid networks amid a political conflict where a government pursues absolute control of power in detriment of governance.
Amid this challenging scenario, Reyna highlights that the recognition of a common cause, the supreme value embodied in a person’s humanity and dignity deserves every effort, including working to help political actors understand the gravity of the moment.
– Do you see a resolution to the political crisis in the short term?
– The current deadlock will not only protracts the suffering of the people due to the complex humanitarian emergency and the government repression but ends up having repercussions against the attempts to take control of power.
The country is in such a precarious situation, with a weakened economy and a social context that reproduces poverty, hunger, and deprivation. And no one, not even the ruling faction, can face it. As long as there is no minimum will to change the political situation, Venezuela will not have access to resources and will continue to be very isolated.
I am very concerned about the division within the opposition. There is no common strategy to get out of this serious situation and if the political parties fail to advance on a common path, we will find ourselves in a much more complex picture in a few months.
– Do the roots of the complex humanitarian emergency lie in this political conflict?
– The complex humanitarian emergency is the product of all the previous abuses of power. The government took the private property by storm, causing the destruction of our production capacities and imposing an import policy that bred widespread corruption in magnitudes rarely seen elsewhere. This happened over time, causing great human damage within a context of enormous suffering and enormous deprivations.
The complex humanitarian emergency will make the pre-existing collapse and precariousness much more serious than what has been evident so far. It is like the formation of a tsunami. We see how the wave rises and we know it is coming. It first hit in 2016, devastating the country’s capabilities, and I see a second wave approaching that will come together with the consequences of the pandemic. I also draw attention to what comes next: If there is no resolution to the political conflict, a third wave will hit us along with the collapse of the economy.
– How do the illegal appointment of the National Electoral Council (CNE) and the recent attacks against political parties influence the search for a peaceful resolution?
– Without a doubt, these are very serious moves that do nothing to resolve the crisis. It was something expected but we do not stop being surprised. The government pursues absolute control of power without realizing that we are going in a direction that does not guarantee governance.
Participation facilitates the opening of certain channels that, even for those in power, allow them to reach some agreement to address the social and economic needs. This does enormous damage and removes any possibility of helping the population.
– Do you think we should go to elections?
– It is very important. Despite all the obstacles, there is always a desire to participate. It is an escape valve that allows the population to express their opinion on who should handle the conflict. Efforts should be made to promote participation as it would help channel a way out of the political conflict.
– How to envision a democratic transition with the participation of Chavismo?
– We have to. There’s no other way. Except for some actors, I certainly believe that democratic forces of the whole political spectrum should have the right to participate. That is fundamental and unavoidable. This would allow us to embark on a path of recovering the institutions, the economy, and production. I don’t see any other way.
“We have gone the opposite way”
The direction that the Venezuelan political crisis has taken as a result of the constant clashes between the opposition and the government coupled with the unwillingness to find a feasible solution in favor of the people, has sponsored the systematic violation of human rights that worsens the suffering of the country.
In its desire to have absolute control, the government led by Nicolás Maduro has assumed repression and persecution as a state policy to lash out at anyone who poses a threat to their political stability, thus collapsing the bases that support democratic systems.
In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, there has been an increase in human rights violations against health personnel, journalists, the media, and citizens who seek to give some information that contradicts the official version. However, this a process that can be traced back to the beginning of the conflict.
– How has the human rights situation evolved in the wake of this political stalemate?
– We can divide it into two parts. There is a set of rights and freedoms that have been violated long before. For years, the government has been resorting to repressive behavior and undermining the purpose of the state, mainly ideologizing the military sphere, with very serious consequences.
Among them, massive arbitrary arrests that have ended up becoming documented cases of torture and ill-treatment, forced disappearances, extrajudicial executions, the prison situation, and a long list of actions that threaten human lives. As a result, a fact-finding mission was created by the Human Rights Council to investigate and find those responsible in a personal capacity.
To this, we add a very large set of rights that are being violated by widespread hunger, lack of access to health and education, and forced migration. According to the World Food Program (WFP), 9.3 million Venezuelans were in a situation of food insecurity and 17 million more are at risk of falling into food insecurity as of September 2019.
To face a pandemic, basic protection measures need to be implemented. Confinement, sanitation gel, mask, gloves which a large part of the population does not have access to. We came to a situation where many people are unable to work and remittances fell. About 90% of the population is cornered by poverty and hunger. You cannot enforce prevention measures by simply saying “stay at home.”
On the other hand, information is tightly restricted to give an illusion of having the virus under control. In each report, the government blames migrants or other countries. People trying to get to the truth are criminalized. It is the worst way to deal with a situation that requires trust and content in the population. We have gone the opposite way.
– How effective has been the agreement between the opposition, the government, and the Pan American Health Organization?
– Progress is still being made in its implementation. The mobilization of resources requires some time. The plan is going on in parallel with other efforts. We hope it gets implemented without any hindrance and under the principle of accountability.
– Are other initiatives being developed?
We have received help from other countries whose resources are neither administered by the government nor the opposition. There have been other talks to allow the entrance of the World Food Program. Having this agency operating in the country is very important, we must look forward to this.
– In those cases, who controls the resources?
The agencies receiving the donations. However, I believe that both the donor and society must know how the resources are spent. Furthermore, at this time of so much political sensitivity, the United Nations System guarantees that resources are distributed to all parties.
– Given the increase in human rights violations, how to protect the victim? What can victims do after their rights are violated? What guarantees do they have?
– In a very complex context, it is still important to use mechanisms such as filing a complaint before the authorities to have the case documented even if the authorities will not go any further. We need this to make the situation visible and mobilize public opinion. It is important to know that there is a team of the high commissioner for human rights in the country and that human rights organizations are articulating to raise their voices before these instances.
In many cases, unfortunately, there is no response, but that does not mean that we cease seeking justice and making the problem visible.
– How do you cope with government harassment?
– It is the nature of those who hold power. We have to build coalitions, avoid working alone, or in isolation. We must work in a common front as much as possible. When someone is attacked, the movement articulates to face those attacks. We have seen it on different occasions: acting as a common force protects and helps us defend our cause against these types of attacks.
We have each other
Citizen participation, which has been curtailed throughout this political process, is necessary for any country that wishes to establish a democratic government. However, given the refusal of the parties involved, civil society has seen the need to organize itself to face the challenges that the Venezuelan crisis presents.
– Faced with this very complex deterioration of the country’s situation, what is left for the Venezuelan citizen?
– It is still time for participation, organization, and joint action. Due to the complex and risky nature of the situation we face, it is very important to form a social fabric. Join organizations or even create new ones. It is still necessary to join movements and express yourself as a member of civil society to demand participation in public affairs. Citizen participation gives meaning to everything.
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– Has there been a rebound of civil society in the country?
– I am impressed to see Acción Solidaria build a network of 115 partner organizations in the humanitarian field to work in the distribution of humanitarian aid. There is a will to organize. There is a very important movement of human rights activists in defense, promotion, and documentation. And it happens in other fields. It is motivating to find a place where your work is valued. You are working to build a country and help those around you in vulnerable conditions. It is worth getting involved.
– Do people really have each other?
– People equals community. Right now, I think it makes sense to promote the efforts that are being made together and see ourselves as a community that is together in this. It makes sense to see ourselves as part of a single community that is called to face our challenges together.
In the face of difficulties do not remain silent, share and join the common cause. That is having a sense of community. We have each other, let us make this a value that allows us to find ways out. The situation calls for solidarity.
Translated by: José Rafael Medina.
